Drake University Global ambassador program. Farleigh Dickenson University Global education at FDU. The internationalization of higher education: A paradigm for global citizenry. Journal of Studies in International Education , 9 2 , Gibbons, M. The new production of knowledge: The dynamics of science and research in contemporary societies. London: Sage. Giri, A.
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Journal of Studies in International Education , 9 4 , Zemach-Bersin, T. Global citizenship and study abroad: It's all about U. Critical Literacy: Theories and Practices , 1 2 , Introduction Educating for global citizenship has increasingly become a shared goal of educators and educational institutions interested in expanding their own and their students' understanding of what it means to claim or to have citizenship in the twenty-first century.
Lewin describes this condition well: Currently the concept of global citizenship is heard throughout the administrative and faculty halls of college and universities… appear[ing] in mission statements; task forces have been created on how to implement it. GCE and Global Citizenship as a Graduate Attribute While education for global citizenship is often listed as a goal for university education, being a global citizen is correspondingly noted as a graduate attribute that is meant to contribute to framing the purpose of universities.
Post-secondary Global Citizenship Education: Current Programs and Practices We now turn our attention to how these conceptualizations of global citizenship are reflected in policies and practices across post-secondary institutions in North America. The Role of Leadership and Policy Policies and programs of internationalization at post-secondary institutions have greatly contributed to an increased focus on international issues and global citizenship.
The repercussions of this transition, Smith observes, was that universities became an industry and site for the production of knowledge, subject to market forces: Because market logic is structured on a foundation of human competitiveness, education became articulated as the task of preparing students, defined as 'human capital,' for 'global competitiveness.
Iain Wilson's timely study makes a major contribution to the systematic empirical analysis of the effects of one of the alleged sources of a state's soft power the extent to which it promotes a positive image of itself abroad by educating students from other countries. Using a carefully designed set of panel surveys of participants in international student exchange programs, Wilson shows that the presumed 'transformative effects' of such programs are far more limited than has hitherto been thought.
This is a well-written and sophisticated analysis that challenges conventional assumptions with solid empirical evidence. It deserves the attention of all scholars and practitioners who wish better to understand the operation and potential limitations of soft power. Help Centre. Track My Order. My Wishlist Sign In Join. By: I. Be the first to write a review. Add to Wishlist. Ships in 15 business days. Link Either by signing into your account or linking your membership details before your order is placed.
Description Table of Contents Product Details Click on the cover image above to read some pages of this book! Industry Reviews "This book critically tests, by means of archival research, in-depth interviews and statistical analysis, the impact of particular scholarship exchange programmes on their participants.
Introduction 1. Political Expectations 2. The media may be thus viewed as neither powerful nor powerless but power-linked. Public diplomacy is seen as an auxiliary instrument to traditional diplomacy. The use of television as a channel for sending messages to the opposite side by the leaders of the U. None of these examples can conclusively suggest that, in their making of foreign policy, states have become hostages to the media. However, the examples suggest that governments are increasingly aware of the potential benefits and risks of media. In contrast to public diplomacy, which is essentially top-down, people diplomacy is a bottom-up process.
Improving global transportation and telecommunications have increasingly made it possible for ordinary citizens to engage in a game that has been historically reserved for foreign policy "experts. Numerous other individuals and groups are also engaged in such efforts. The best known of such groups is Amnesty International, an organization devoted to the freedom and humane treatment of political prisoners around the world.
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Such interventions in the foreign policy process are often resented by the foreign policy establishments as intrusive. However, people diplomacy can serve as a corrective to the governments' narrow or nationalist objectives Mandelbaum ; Hoffmann Virtual diplomacy is of more recent vintage. Global audio, video, and computer teleconferencing has allowed numerous official and unofficial contacts on a routine basis. The institution of a hot-line between the White House and the Kremlin in the aftermath of the Missile Crisis of , closed circuit video-teleconferencing by the U.
Information Agency through its Worldnet, and other similar facilities demonstrate that diplomacy has new tools at its disposal. But the explosion of the Internet into a worldwide, interactive communication network has also provided numerous opportunities for expert groups to act as intermediaries, advocates, or advisors in international conflicts. The project provides expert mediation services to parties at conflict through the Internet and the World Wide Web to parties in conflict. Another example of virtual diplomacy is the Internet Listserv Gulf directed by Gary Sick, a retired member of the U.
National Security Council. The list includes over leading experts on the Persian Gulf. It provides both a forum for the discussion of current issues and a channel through which opinions are formed. Many other expert groups such as the Toda Institute for Global Peace and Policy Research also employ the Internet for international conflict resolution projects that aim at identifying the parties at a conflict, engaging them in a dialogue, and searching for common grounds. The possibilities for virtual diplomacy through the Internet as well as audio or video conferencing are thus immense and will no doubt be exploited further in years to come.
This impact has reshaped the processes of world production, distribution, trade, development, and financing. Expanding global transportation and telecommunications networks in recent decades have clearly enabled the TNCs Trans-National Corporations to decentralize their production and distribution networks while seeking higher profits in regions of the world with lower wages, rents, taxes, and government regulation.
World trade and financing have also been profoundly affected by the transborder data flows that facilitate airline and hotel reservations, cash and capital transfers, and international trade in capital markets. In developing economies, the new information technologies have made technological leapfrogging possible in such world trade centers as Singapore and Hong Kong that are now among the world's highest per capita incomes and penetration of telecommunications facilities. Other Asian tigers such as South Korea, China, Taiwan, Thailand, Malaysia, and Indonesia have similarly found in telecommunications an engine of rapid technological leapfrogging and economic growth.
The economic consequences of the current worldwide information revolution are, however, less well-known and more controversial. Is the information revolution leading to global leveling of wealth and income or to a new class system of information haves and have-nots within and among nations- In creating and destroying jobs, is the information revolution leading to "the end of work" or to a system of structural employment prompted by the disappearance of middle management and downsizing- Is the nature of employment and career changing fundamentally from a one-life-one-career patterns to "one life many-careers and jobs"-.
Clearly, the transfer of industries and jobs from high to lower cost areas within and among nations has led to new policy dilemmas that have been hotly debated among experts and politicians. As witnessed in U. However, issues of efficiency versus equity, national security versus. Since world trade has become increasingly dependent upon information flows and copyright issues, the new economic policy dilemmas involve issues such as transborder news and data flows versus national information sovereignty, industrial espionage and piracy versus the rights of industrial patent and copyright holders Branscomb , global advertising and consumerism versus national saving and investment needs.
The experiences of latecomers to the industrial revolution, such as Japan and China, have abundantly illustrated that the acquisition of modern science and technology is the key to catching up. In this process, the role of information technologies, from print to the Internet, cannot be overemphasized. Since the rate of obsolescence in scientific and technological knowledge is also increasing, information technologies are assuming an additional function aside from transfers of knowledge. They have made lifelong and open learning systems possible Noam ; Tehranian What are the relationships between traditional educational institutions and new systems- Can scientific internationalism and technological protectionism coexist- Does leapfrogging from low-tech e.
But they present the beginnings of any serious international discussions on information, science, technology, and educational policies. The impact of global communication on international cultural life is perhaps the most visible of its effects. Simpson on the run on the Los Angeles freeways.
And despite Islamic edicts, MTV musical videos with their postmodern messages of sensuality, pluralism, and skepticism were reaching into the sanctity of Islamic living rooms. This was viewed by the Iranian government authorities as a cultural invasion no less menacing than the U. However, it would be misleading to think of media effects as uni-linear and uniform. Technological effects are always socially mediated and constructed. Each new technology has to find its own cultural space in the life of a society before it can have any meaningful impact on social relations.
In the case of the media, where technologies range from the simplest to the most complex, and from the readily accessible to those accessible only by a small elite, the effects are even more complex and ambiguous. A distinction between macromedia, meso-media, and micro-media might illustrate the point.
The macromedia of communication satellites, mainframe computers, the Internet, and its offshoot, the World Wide Web seem to be acting as agents of globalization. Through global satellite and computer networks, trans-border data flows, scientific and professional electronic mailing, and commercial advertising, the macromedia are supporting the globalization of national markets, societies, and cultures.
The meso-media of communication print, cinema, and broadcasting are primarily under the control of national governments or pressure groups and therefore function mostly as agents of national integration and social mobilization. The micro-media of communication telephone, copying machines, audio and videocassette recorders, musical tapes, and personal computers have primarily empowered the centrifugal forces of dissent at the peripheries of power. All three types of media are, however, closely interlinked via social networks of governments, markets, and civil societies.
Without contextualizing their social and political functions in historically and cultural specific situations, media effects would therefore remain largely mystifying and incomprehensible. We live in a complex world, and global communication is not making it any less so. But if we view modernization as the overall theme of international relations in the last years of world history and possibly the next Tehranian , the paths to modernity may be considered to have fluctuated within four political paradigms, i.
Figure 1 remaps the conventional half-circle political spectrum into a full-circle around these four polarities. World politics has been characterized by a struggle among the proponents of these four paths. The Blues, or the pioneers of the industrial revolution England, France, and the United States , took the liberal democratic, capitalist road with the industrial bourgeoisie leading the way, preoccupied with the rights of private property and individual freedom, following a high accumulation strategy of development and free trade policies designed to open up the markets of the rest of the world.
The Reds, the communists, were led by the revolutionary working class and intelligentsia aiming at the same goal of industrial revolution through national planning with a focus on social equality, national self-sufficiency, and high mobilization strategies of development and self-sufficiency. Last but not least, the Greens have been led by the intelligentsia to argue for socially, culturally, and environmentally responsible strategies of development prizing "community" and for high integration strategies of development.gohu-takarabune.com/policy/camera-espi/qyd-ver-pantalla.php
Globalization and Education - Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Education
As Figure 1 shows, this conceptual map situates a complex range of right and left globalists as well as right and left localists in the international political spectrum. However, all three democratic paths have shown themselves to be prone to totalitarian temptations. In particular, the totalitarian regimes of the latecomers to the industrial revolution Germany, Japan, Italy, Spain, Argentina employed their national or party colors brown for Nazism, black for Fascism, yellow for Japanese militarism to mobilize their societies around a new, highly repressive "order" that glorified national myths of superiority.
As Figure 1 illustrates, global communication has already placed the democratic norms of order, freedom, equality, and community on national agendas. The central task of the media in democratic societies may be considered to be twofold: 1 to allow for the diversity of voices in society to be heard and 2 to channel that diversity into a process of democratic integration of public opinion and will formation.
Without free and vigorous debate among competing views, no nation can achieve the level of integrated unity and determination necessary for democratic societies to act on public issues. Generally speaking, media pluralism would serve these purposes better than a media system exclusively dominated by state, commercial, public, or community media. Pluralism in structures of ownership and control are therefore needed in order to obtain pluralism in perspectives and messages.
However, structural pluralism is hostage to the presence of independent market institutions and voluntary associations political parties, trade unions, religious and civic organizations. The existence of a strong civil society to counter the powers of the state and the market is therefore a precondition for media pluralism. In formulating national communication policies, three sets of interlocking policies are at stake, namely cultural, information, and media policies see Figure 2. The overarching policy questions concern freedoms of conscience, speech, association, and assembly.
Cultural policies include not only the question of national values, heritage, and identity but also freedoms of religion, language, and schooling. Information policies concern the production and dissemination of public information by such institutions as government agencies, public libraries, and value added networks VANs.
Media policies cover the whole gamut of mediated modes of communication, from print to cyberspace. The central dilemma of how to balance cultural diversity with national unity is a perennial problem for any national cultural policy. Perhaps the most important issue in cultural policy is how a country defines itself with respect to its cultural identity, heritage, goals, and values.
Although most democratic governments pay lip service to cultural diversity, national unity is often a higher priority. Even in North America and Western Europe, where cultural diversity has been accepted as a democratic value witness the US motto: E pluribus unum , multiculturalism has come under attack in recent years Schlesinger Under communism, the Soviet Union defined itself as a bastion of the international proletariat.
Composed of over nationalities, however, it had to deal with the problem of nationality. Under Stalin, the Soviet empire was divided into 15 autonomous republics based on nationality. Soviet cultural policy, however, constantly vacillated between the primacy of proletarian solidarity under the banner of a Soviet culture as defined by the Soviet Communist Party and homage to the religious and ethnic diversity of its vast population.
But to divide and rule, the Soviets drew the boundaries of most republics in such a way as to include significant ethnic and religious minorities. Voluntary and forced migration also significantly contributed to the multiethnic character of the population in most republics. While Soviet policies succeeded in maintaining the hegemony of the Soviet Communist Party for over 70 years, they could not destroy ethnic and religious loyalties. It is no surprise, therefore, to witness the resurgence of such loyalties to fill the vacuum that is left by the de-legitimization of the Communist ideology.
As a result, in the newly independent republics, national histories, identities, goals, as well as place and family names have been revamped to fit the new circumstances. Such cultural restorations included a change from Leningrad to St. Petersburg, Leninabad to Khojand. Competing myths and historical memories powerfully shape the cultural configurations of society. They are preserved in national monuments, libraries, national and religious rituals, textbooks, and the literature of a country.
Cultural policy decides what myths and historical memories to preserve, which to discard, and what to repress. In monarchical Iran, for instance, the myths and memories of the pre-Islamic Iranian monarchy were glorified, while in Islamic Iran, they are being repressed at the same time that the Shi'a Islamic myths and memories are revived and embellished Tehranian , The religious policy of a state thus has profound consequences for its cultural policy.
Whether a state adopts a national religion, as in England, or pursues a policy of separation of church and state, as in the United States, has important implications for the type of schooling allowed or subsidized. Similarly, language policies affect educational practice. Since its independence in , Finland has required Swedish language instruction in its schools.
However, Finland's entry into the European Union has raised questions about the value of Swedish in contrast to English or French as bridges to the European community. By adopting bilingualism, Canada has attempted to keep Quebec within its federation. But Quebec's refusal to require bilingualism within its borders has undermined Canadian unity. The dilemma of how to reconcile freedom of information with the dictates of national security and rights of privacy seems to be at the center of any democratic national information policy.
This new technique, commonly known as the Clipper Chip, was designed in secret by the NSA and remains classified so that its inner workings are unknown. It also has an additional "feature"--the government keeps the keys for you, so if they want to wiretap anyone, they can. This proposal met with nearly universal opposition from the public and industry. In January , many of the world's top cryptographers and computer security experts wrote to President Clinton asking him to withdraw it.
Public concern with pornography and violence has clashed with the First Amendment rights in other arena as well. The U. Communication Decency Act of made the dissemination of pornography on the Internet a criminal act. It also required the installation of Violence-Chips in TV sets allowing parents to control the programs their children can watch. However, in , a few U. Cyberia, otherwise known as Cyberspace, is thus becoming a technologically visible Panoptican Society as well as a public arena for contestation among policies. In a society such as the United States committed to freedom of conscience, speech, association, and assembly, the new technologies are raising fundamental questions on how to protect the First Amendment.
Questions of national security also touch on the protection of sensitive scientific and technological information. Since a great deal of science and technology development takes places at research universities, which are generally committed to academic freedom and publication, tensions between the government and institutions of higher education are clearly inevitable.
The newspaper was sued by the government for its breach of national security.
Globalization and Politics: The Effects of globalization on human life aspects
The courts decided in favor of the Times, but the question of who defines national security and its breach of information remains. The management of news is one such issue. During the War in Vietnam, reporters had direct access to the battlefront. From the U. Vietnam was the first major U. As the images of the bloody battlefields reached American homes, the Pentagon's claims of victory were increasingly questioned and anti-war sentiments among the public forced the government to finally withdraw from that country.
Government information policies on war subsequently changed. Ever since Vietnam, U. In the invasions of Granada, Panama, and Iraq, reporters received most of their information through Pentagon briefings. Under these circumstances, the news media have had only limited opportunity to independently examine the veracity of Pentagon claims Mowlana et al. To turn to another policy arena, the question of patent and copyright protection is primarily a commercial issue. However, it has important consequences for a country's international obligations.
In recent decades, the United States has been in direct conflict with a number of countries including Hong Kong, Thailand, Taiwan, China, and Singapore for their breach of copyright laws of the United States. Textbooks, computer hardware and software, and musical recordings have been systematically pirated for profit without payment of copyright royalties. However, as long as a country has not signed the Geneva Convention on Copyright, it can continue reproducing intellectual properties without compensation to the authors and publishers.
Some have; others continue to refuse to sign on the grounds that their Asian heritage has been pillaged for centuries without compensation and it is now their turn to borrow or steal. In this instance, the interface between national information and foreign policies could not be any closer. Foreign policy can no longer confine itself only to the issues of security; it must also develop positions with respect to cultural identity, media freedom and protection, and information trade.
A democratic information policy would increasingly provide electronic libraries for the public and the rights of citizen access to public information. Some Sunshine Laws in the United States provide this. However, a thornier issue is the question of the rights of access of an individual to the information held about her or him.